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第一篇：名人英语演讲稿
Mr.John Doleva,Hall of Fame Executive Committee,ladies and gentlemen,good evening.
名人堂总裁约翰・多勒夫先生、女士们、先生们，晚上好。
When I heard that I was speaking first tonight,I thought that someone made a mistake.The first speaker should be the great Allen Iverson.I need practice more than he does.
听说今晚第一个发言，我以为有人搞错了。第一个发言的应该是伟大的阿伦・艾弗森。相比于他，我需要更多的练习。
First of all,I would like to thank you for giving me this great honor.Your recognition has made tonight a most memorable moment for me.Although perhaps my career ended too soon,for me I treasure each and every moment.I am grateful for my time on the court,and for your recognition tonight.
首先，我要感谢给我如此殊荣，对我而言，你们的认可让今晚成为最难忘的时刻。尽管我的职业可能生涯结束的太早了，对我而言，我珍惜每一个时刻。我感谢我在球场上的时光，感谢今晚你们的认可。
I would like to thank my sponsors.
我要谢谢我的推介人。
Bill Russell.I remember that you invited me to dinner at your house in Seattle in my rookie year.That evening,and all of your advice since,really built up my confidence and made me feel comfortable in a new country.
比尔・拉塞尔，我不会忘记在新秀季中，你邀请我到西雅图家中进餐。那天晚上，以及此后你所有的建议，让我在新的国度中建立信心，倍感轻松。
Bill Walton.You supported me all the way.Thank you for your advice and encouragement.You were the first one who called me when I woke up from mysurgery.You told me to stay positive.I will always remember that.
比尔・沃尔顿，你一直都支持着我，谢谢你的建议和鼓励。我做手术醒来后，你第一个打电话给我。你告诉我要积极，我一直铭记在心。
Dikembe Mutombo.I put you last because you are the oldest of the three.We played together for five years and had so many memories on and off the court.Nothing can break the bond between us―not even all those elbows you gave me in practice.
迪肯贝・穆托姆博，我最后提你，因为你看起来是三人中最老的。我们五年间一起打球，在球场内外有许多回忆。没有什么能破坏我们的友谊，就算在训练中你给了我不少“黑肘”。
译注：相比82岁的拉塞尔，穆托姆博当然不是最老的，这是个玩笑，谣传说他非洲老家计算年龄的办法是每年在一棵树上砍一刀，后来他到美国打球，回到老家后发现树上刻满了字，就推说记不住自己的年龄了。
As you know I am from China,and my journey began there.
大家知道我来自中国，我的旅程从那里开始。
My parents were basketball players back in the 1970s.I heard so many great stories about them,about how they played and how good they were.More importantly,so many people know how good they are as people.I am very fortunate to be your son.
我的父母是上世纪七十年代的篮球运动员，我听过很多他们的故事，他们如何打球，更重要的，如何做个好人。作为你们的儿子，我感到非常幸运。
The gift I had from you was not only height...the way you taught me how to think,how to make decisions.And of course,my soft touch on the free throw line.Which is why I had 10,000 free throws less than O'Neill.
你们赐予我的礼物不只是个头儿，你们教会我如何思考，如何做出决定。当然还有罚球线上的柔和手感，这也是为什么我比奥尼尔少罚了10000个球。
My wife Li.We met when we were high school age.You know how much you mean to me.Thank you for being my life partner.Our lovely daughter Amy is a treasure to both of us.We wish she could be here,but she is in her first week of school.And she has to live with the consequences of choosing soccer over basketball...I'll fix that.
我的妻子叶莉也来到现场，我们在高中时认识的。你知道你对我有多重要，谢谢你成为我生命中的伴侣。我们可爱的女儿艾米是我们共同的宝贝，很希望她今天也能来，但她开学第一周。她还要承担选择足球而非篮球的后果……我会把她扳回来的。
My basketball journey began on the back of coach Li Zhangmin’s bicycle when he gave me a ride to my very first practice on the basketball court.I would like to congratulate you on a very successful and very long career as you retire this year.Thank you for your work and your effrot,and so many kids have benefited from you and your work.
我的篮球生涯始于李章明教练的自行车后座，他带着我第一次去篮球场训练。你今年退休，我想祝贺你历经非常成功和非常漫长的职业生涯。谢谢你的工作和努力，那么多的孩子受益于你和你的工作。
Coach Li Qiuping you were my coach at the Shanghai Sharks.You led us to win so far the only CBA championship before I came to NBA,and you gave us so much and sacrifice so much in that year you lost your wife to cancer.Thank you for your dedication and your sacrifices to us.
李秋平教练是我在上海大鲨鱼队的教练。你带领我们获得迄今仅有一次的CBA冠军，我后来就来了NBA，你付出良多，牺牲良多，那一年你的妻子因癌症离世。谢谢你的贡献和牺牲。
I want to thank the city of Shanghai,the Shanghai Sharks and the CBA league for doing everything to encourage me,prepare me,train me.They helped me to be ready for the next challenges in my life.
我要感谢上海市，上海大鲨鱼对和CBA联赛，你们尽一切努力鼓励我、帮助我、训练我，让我为人生中下一次挑战做好准备。
There is old saying in China that if the mirror is made of bronze,one can dress properly.If the mirror is history,one can predict ups and downs.If the mirror is people,one can reflect on one’s own weakness and strength.And now,I would like to mention a few mirrors in my life.
中国有句老话，以铜为镜，可以正衣冠;以史为镜，可以知兴替;以人为镜，可以明得失。现在我要提几面我人生中的镜子。
First,I want to mention Mr.Mou Zouyun.He was a basketball legend.Over 80 years ago,Mr.Mou came here to Springfield to study basketball.He went back to China and dedicated his life to Chinese basketball.Today,the CBA Championship Cup is named after him.This cup is the life goal that every CBA player can dream of.
首先，我要提牟作云，他是篮球界的传奇。80年前，牟先生来到斯普林菲尔德学习篮球，回中国后，他把毕生精力都奉献给中国篮球。今天，CBA联赛杯以他的名字命名，这座奖杯是每一位CBA球员梦想的人生目标。
I am not the first Chinese man to play in the NBA.That honor belongs Wang Zhi Zhi.He was a pioneer for all future Chinese players who dream of coming to the NBA.He cleared the road for us and made so many sacrifices.I learned so much from him.Although he cannot be here today,I want to thank him.
我不是第一个到NBA打球的中国人，这份荣誉归于王治郅。他是梦想到NBA打球的所有未来中国球员的先行者。他为我们扫清了道路，做出很多牺牲。我从他那里获益良多。尽管他今年不能来，我还是想谢谢他。
Many people know the story that began when the Rockets drafted me in 20xx.Not many people know how much effort the Rockets put in before I arrived and throughout my career.Thank you to Les Alexander,Michael Goldberg,Carroll Dawson,Tad Brown,Daryl Morey and Keith Jones for making me feel at home in Houston.
很多人知道故事从20xx年火箭队选中我时开始，可不是所有人知道火箭队在我来之前和我整个生涯中付出的努力。感谢莱斯・亚历山大、迈克尔・戈德伯格、卡罗尔・道森、泰德・布朗、达里尔・莫雷和基斯・琼斯，让我在休斯顿感受到家的温暖。
When I arrived in Houston on my first day,Steve Francis gave me a strong high five and a big hug to welcome me.Steve has been the perfect big brother to me ever since that day.
我第一天来休斯顿时，史蒂夫・弗朗西斯给了我一个大力击掌，并深情拥抱来欢迎我，此后他一直是我的老大哥。
Cuttino Mobley invited me to his home for something called“soul food.”I thought he meant salty food which confused me a little bit.Thank you to Steve,Cuttino and everyone on my early Rockets teams for making me feel so welcome.
卡迪诺・莫布里请我去他家吃“灵魂食物”，我听成了“咸口食物”，让我有点摸不着头脑。谢谢史蒂夫、卡迪诺以及早年间火箭队的`队友，让我感到家的感觉。
Rudy T.is famous for saying,“Never underestimate the heart of a champion.”Rudy has demonstrated this not only on the court,but off the court too,especially in his battle with cancer.Rudy,you have always inspired me to be the better that I can be.
鲁迪・汤姆贾诺维奇有句名言：“永远不要低估冠军的心。”鲁迪力行这一格言，不仅在场上，也在场外，尤其在他与癌症抗争的过程中。鲁迪，你一直激励着我做到更好。
When Jeff Van Gundy arrived with Patrick Ewing and Tom Thibodeau,that coaching staff turned us into a tough defensive team,like he always does.
杰夫・范甘迪和帕特里克-尤因、汤姆・锡伯杜加入火箭后，教练组把我们变成防守强悍的队伍，他一向如此。
With T-Mac,Shane Battier,Rafer Alston,we became a talented young team,especially with Dikembe.That team was not only competitive,but a team with a brotherhood.
我们有麦迪、沙恩・巴蒂尔、拉夫・阿尔斯通，我们朝气蓬勃，才华横溢，尤其还有穆托姆博。那支队伍不仅有竞争力，还团结友爱。
I always remember Coach Van Gundy said once that,“The best chance also could be your last.”That is true in basketball and in life.
我一直都记着范甘迪教练曾说：“最好的机会是你最后的机会。”在篮球和生活中都是这样。
My last NBA coach was Rick Adelman.He helped us develop so many talented players like Carl Landry,Luis Scola and Aaron Brooks.We had a great run in 20xx-20xx,but unfortunately my injury cut things short and ended my time with the Rockets too soon.I will always remember my time spent with the Houston Rockets as some of the best times in my life.
我最后一个NBA教练是里克・阿德尔曼，他为球队挖掘了卡尔・兰德里、路易斯・斯科拉和阿隆・布鲁克斯等天才球员。我们08-09赛季高歌猛进，但因为我的伤痛未能走得更远，太早结束了在火箭队的生涯。在休斯顿火箭队的时光我将永远铭记，那是我生命中最好的时光之一。
As a basketball player,I was one of the most blessed players on the planet.I played against some of the best athletes in the world.
作为篮球运动员，我是这个行星上最幸运的选手之一，我和世界上最出色的运动员交手。
A great athlete not only has great teammates,but great opponents.Great opponents push us forward.Opponents like Shaquille O’Neal.Shaq:Every game we played reminded me of the old saying,“What doesn’t kill you makes you stronger.”Thank you for that.
伟大的运动员不仅拥有伟大的队友，还有伟大的对手。伟大的对手推动自己前进。像大鲨鱼奥尼尔这样的对手，我们每打一场比赛都会让我想到一句老话：“杀不死你的让你更强大。”谢谢。
I consider Houston my second home,so I want to say something to the people of Houston.You stood by me in good and bad times.You gave me strength to move forward.I will always consider you my family.I am a Texan and a Houston Rocket for life.
我认为休斯顿是我第二故乡，我想说说休斯顿人民。无论顺境逆境，你们都在背后支持我。你们给了我前进的力量，我将一直把你们当做家人。这辈子，我都是德克萨斯人，我是休斯顿火箭人。
All of this would not be possible without the vision of David Stern and the NBA.Thank you to David Stern,Adam Silver,Kim Bohuny and everyone at the NBA for your kindness and support.
没有大卫・斯特恩的高瞻远瞩和他建立的NBA，这一切都无从谈起。谢谢斯特恩、亚当・席尔瓦、吉姆・伯哈尼和所有NBA人，谢谢你们的好意与支持。
Finally,to Team Yao.We all look older and fatter than when we first met.
最后，谢谢姚之队，我们都比初相见时更老、更胖了。
Ladies and gentlemen,I like to pay my respect to Dr.Naismith,to the 361 members of the Hall of Fame,and to everyone who has contributed to the game of basketball all over the world in last 125 years.
女士们，先生们，我要向奈史密斯博士和名人堂的361名成员致敬，对过去120xx年对篮球运动做出贡献的全世界运动员致敬。
All of these individuals are stars and together they form the galaxy in the universe of basketball.The game has inspired billions of people around the world.As one of them,I will do my part to continue to help grow the great game of basketball,and we all look forward to watching the stars of tomorrow emerge and shine.
所有这些人都是星辰，他们共同组成了篮球界的浩瀚银河。篮球运动激励了全世界数十亿人。作为其中一员，我将尽我的努力继续推动篮球事业发展，我们盼望着明日之星闪亮登场。
Thank you for this great honor.Thank you.
谢谢给我这份荣誉，谢谢。
第二篇：名人英语演讲稿
My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land ― a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America ― they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted ― for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things ― some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions ― that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act ― not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions ― who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them ― that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works ― whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account ― to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day ― because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control ― and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart ― not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort ― even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus ― and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West ― know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment ― a moment that will define a generation ― it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends ― hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism ― these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility ― a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence ― the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed ― why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."
America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
第三篇：名人英语演讲稿
The answer is no. I could have brought myparents to a new place for buffet breakfast on an awesome autumn Sunday morning, I could have bought a SUV in Xiamen and move them around. I didn’t, due to various restrictions.
Would I choose a different path had we got achance to turn the clock back to the time when I was in my early 20s? I don't thinkso. Let me tell you why.
I quite agree with the following the quote fromB. J. Neblett.
"We are the sum total of our experiences. Thoseexperiences C be they positive or negative C make us the person we are, at anygiven point in our lives."
Part of the reasons why we are who we are todayis those experiences and those people we have encountered over the years. In hindsight, I can’t even tell whether certain decisions I have made, certain paths I have taken, are right or wrong. We may regret for those things we didn’t do enough. What we can is to make up for it within our capacity while it is in time, while your parents are still alive, while your kids haven’t entered puberty stage.
Over to you, Toastmaster.
第四篇：名人英语演讲稿
i once came across an american tourist. she said, “china has a history of five
thousand years, but the us only has a history of 200 years. five thousand years ago,
china took the lead in the world, and now it is the us that is leading.”my heart
was deeply touched by these words. it is true that were still a developing nation,
but it doesnt mean that we can despise (鄙视) ourselves. we have such a long-standing
history, we have such abundant resources, we have such intelligent and diligent people,
and we have enough to be proud of.
第五篇：名人英语演讲稿
Harry S. Truman: "The Truman Doctrine"
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:
The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey. The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.
I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government. Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.
When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings. As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.
Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances, the people of Greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds. These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery. The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.
The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. A Commission appointed by the United Nations security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.
Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout Greek territory. Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy. The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid. But these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn. No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.
The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31st. Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.
We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis. But the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.
It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving its public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.
No government is perfect. One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. The Government of Greece is not perfect. Nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.
The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism. It has made mistakes. The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do. We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.
Greek's neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention. The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece. And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.
Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support. Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity. That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East. The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey. As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help.
I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time. One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.
To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations. The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the United States.
The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.
At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.
I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.
I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.
I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.
The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious. Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East. Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.
It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.
Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.
We must take immediate and resolute action. I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.
In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel. Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized. If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress. On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together.
This is a serious course upon which we embark. I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious. The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world peace. The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment. It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain. The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.
We must keep that hope alive.
The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world. And we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.
Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.
I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.
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